By Kenneth L. Kusmer, Joe W. Trotter
Historians have committed unusually little realization to African American city historical past of the postwar interval, specially in comparison with previous a long time. Correcting this imbalance, African American city heritage seeing that global struggle II positive factors an exhilarating mixture of professional students and clean new voices whose mixed efforts give you the first accomplished overview of this significant subject. the 1st of this volume’s 5 groundbreaking sections makes a speciality of black migration and Latino immigration, analyzing tensions and alliances that emerged among African americans and different teams. Exploring the demanding situations of residential segregation and deindustrialization, later sections take on such themes because the genuine property industry’s discriminatory practices, the stream of middle-class blacks to the suburbs, and the impression of black city activists on nationwide employment and social welfare guidelines. one other crew of members examines those subject matters throughout the lens of gender, chronicling deindustrialization’s disproportionate effect on ladies and women’s prime roles in pursuits for social swap. Concluding with a suite of essays on black tradition and intake, this quantity totally realizes its aim of linking neighborhood differences with the nationwide and worldwide approaches that impact city classification and race relatives.
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Extra info for African American Urban History since World War II (Historical Studies of Urban America)
Each of these states experienced a dramatic diaspora, sending much of its African American population elsewhere. In 1970, 52 percent of all black adults who had been born in Alabama lived outside that state; 62 percent of adult black Mississippians and 63 percent of black Arkansans had left home. 2 reveals more about the state-by-state nature of the diaspora. Blacks born in border states such as Maryland and Delaware rarely moved away. That was true also of Florida and Texas; fewer than 30 percent of their natives had left.
Like Dona Irvin, most discovered that their education held little value in their new homes. The teaching jobs that were a mainstay for educated females in the Jim Crow South were usually not available in the school systems of the other regions. Well-educated men also struggled, both because race discrimination closed off most white-collar positions to African Americans until the late 1960s and because degrees from the historically black colleges of the South were considered inferior. Men with college experience did earn 25 percent more than their southern counterparts in 1949, but compare that to the 71 percent premium earned by a grammar-school-educated male who had left the South or the 82 percent income advantage of poorly educated females.
33 Urbanization and proletarianization in turn enabled new cultural and political formations. As southerners moved in force into the cities, they provided the expanded consumer power and often the leadership that made the postwar black metropolises centers of innovation in music, literature, journalism, sports, and religion. 34 The millions who had left their homes to participate in the Second Great Migration indeed had much to be proud of. Without their collective and individual efforts, the late-twentieth-century history of the United States would have been very different.